MOSCOW - Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko has criticized moves by Japanese and Ukrainian companies to cooperate on drone technology, warning that such ties would be regarded by Moscow as a "clear hostile act."
In an interview published by the state-run Tass news agency on July 19, Rudenko said companies from Japan and Ukraine were moving to deepen technological cooperation in the drone sector.
He accused Japan of helping facilitate Ukrainian drone attacks on civilians inside Russia.
Rudenko did not identify any companies involved. However, a Japanese drone-related company announced in March that it would invest in a Ukrainian company engaged in the development and production of drones, prompting a strong protest from Russia.
Rudenko also criticized the temporary deployment in Japan of the U.S. military's Typhon intermediate-range missile launcher for joint exercises between Japan and the United States.
He said the deployment would have a serious negative impact on security in the Asia-Pacific region and represented a direct threat to Russia's Far East.
Japan’s growing cooperation with Ukraine on drone technology is the latest stage in a relationship that has expanded sharply since Russia’s invasion, developing from humanitarian and financial assistance into reconstruction, intelligence sharing and limited security support.
Tokyo established diplomatic relations with Ukraine in January 1992, shortly after the country gained independence following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Japan’s early involvement centered on economic reform, democratic development, nuclear safety and assistance related to the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster.
The relationship took on a stronger security dimension after Russia annexed Crimea in March 2014 and fighting erupted between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine.
Japan refused to recognize the annexation and joined the Group of Seven nations in imposing sanctions on Russia. Tokyo introduced visa restrictions, froze assets belonging to designated individuals and organizations, restricted certain financial transactions and suspended talks on investment and space cooperation.
Japan also began supporting Ukraine’s political and economic stability. Its assistance included funding for election monitoring, governance reform, medical services, infrastructure and programs for people displaced by fighting in the country’s east.
The scale of cooperation changed dramatically after Russia launched its full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022.
Japan condemned the invasion as a serious violation of international law and argued that allowing borders to be altered by force would threaten the international order far beyond Europe. The government repeatedly linked the war to security concerns in Asia, warning that “Ukraine today may be East Asia tomorrow.”
Tokyo joined the United States and European countries in imposing successive sanctions on Russia. The measures included asset freezes targeting Russian officials, business leaders, banks and companies, restrictions on exports of advanced technology and industrial goods, and controls intended to prevent Russia from obtaining products that could strengthen its military capacity.
Japan also prohibited or restricted imports of some Russian products and suspended most new government-backed economic cooperation with Moscow.
At the same time, Japan emerged as one of Ukraine’s largest nonmilitary financial supporters. Assistance has included grants, loans, World Bank-backed budget support, humanitarian aid and financing intended to keep Ukraine’s government and essential public services operating during the war.
Tokyo announced $5.5 billion in additional financial support in 2023 after changing domestic legislation to allow Japan to guarantee World Bank loans to Ukraine. By 2024, the government said its total announced support for Ukraine and neighboring countries affected by the war had exceeded $12 billion.
The assistance has covered food, shelter, medical care, electricity, water systems, education and support for displaced people. Japan has supplied generators, transformers and other energy equipment as repeated Russian attacks damaged Ukraine’s power infrastructure.
Tokyo has also provided equipment for clearing landmines and unexploded ordnance, drawing on Japan’s experience supporting demining operations in Cambodia and other countries. Japanese assistance has included mine detectors, excavators, training and technology for identifying contaminated areas.
Japan’s contribution has differed from that of the United States and major European military powers because of its postwar legal framework and restrictions on the transfer of weapons.
Rather than supplying missiles, artillery or other lethal weapons, Japan initially provided bulletproof vests, helmets, protective masks, protective clothing, emergency food and medical supplies.
The Defense Ministry later expanded the assistance to include vehicles and commercially available drones. Japan has described the equipment as nonlethal and has transferred it within the limits of its defense export rules and the Self-Defense Forces Law.
Since March 2022, the Defense Ministry and Self-Defense Forces have supplied bulletproof vests, protective equipment, vehicles, drones and emergency rations. Japan has also accepted injured Ukrainian soldiers for rehabilitation at the Self-Defense Forces Central Hospital in Tokyo.
The provision of drones marked an important development because unmanned aircraft have become central to the war. Ukraine uses a wide range of drones for reconnaissance, battlefield surveillance, communications, targeting and attacks on Russian military facilities.
Japanese government transfers have been presented as nonlethal assistance, but private-sector cooperation has created a more sensitive issue. Japanese technology companies have increasingly explored opportunities involving Ukrainian drone developers, whose products and battlefield experience have advanced rapidly during the conflict.
A Japanese drone-related company announced an investment in a Ukrainian drone developer and manufacturer in March, prompting a strong protest from Moscow. Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko has since warned that cooperation between Japanese and Ukrainian companies in the drone sector would be regarded as a “clear hostile act.”
Russia argues that Japanese technology and investment could indirectly strengthen Ukraine’s ability to conduct drone attacks inside Russian territory. Japan has not publicly accepted Moscow’s characterization, and Rudenko did not identify the companies involved when making his latest criticism.
Political cooperation also intensified after then-Prime Minister Fumio Kishida traveled to Kyiv in March 2023. The visit made Kishida the first Japanese prime minister in the postwar era to enter a country where active fighting was taking place.
Kishida met Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and visited Bucha, where Russian forces were accused of killing civilians during their occupation of the area. Japan and Ukraine elevated their relationship to a special global partnership, covering diplomatic, economic, humanitarian and security cooperation.
Japan later used its 2023 presidency of the Group of Seven to keep support for Ukraine high on the international agenda. Zelenskyy traveled to Hiroshima for the G7 summit in May 2023, where leaders discussed sanctions, military assistance, nuclear risks and plans for Ukraine’s eventual reconstruction.
Reconstruction has since become one of the main pillars of Japan’s Ukraine policy.
Japan hosted the Japan-Ukraine Conference for Promotion of Economic Growth and Reconstruction in Tokyo on February 19, 2024. Government officials and business representatives discussed cooperation in agriculture, energy, transportation, digital technology, health care, demining, debris removal and industrial development.
The conference produced 56 cooperation documents involving government agencies and private companies. Japan later said an additional 23 documents were signed around the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Berlin in June 2024.
Tokyo has emphasized areas in which Japanese companies possess relevant technology, including disaster recovery, infrastructure construction, power systems, medical equipment, agricultural machinery and the treatment and recycling of debris.
Japanese officials have also described Ukraine’s reconstruction as a long-term commercial opportunity, although security risks, damaged infrastructure and restrictions on travel have limited direct investment.
On June 13, 2024, Japan and Ukraine signed a bilateral accord establishing a long-term framework for support and cooperation. The agreement covered sanctions against Russia, humanitarian aid, reconstruction, cybersecurity, intelligence, defense-related cooperation and efforts to hold Russia accountable for damage caused by the war.
The accord stated that Japan would provide support in accordance with its constitutional and legal restrictions, preserving Tokyo’s distinction between its assistance and the lethal military aid supplied by many other countries.
The two governments subsequently moved to strengthen the protection of classified information exchanged between them. A security-of-information agreement was signed in November 2024 and entered into force in June 2025, creating procedures for safeguarding sensitive material shared by Japanese and Ukrainian authorities.
The shift has placed Japan in an increasingly difficult relationship with Russia.
Tokyo and Moscow were already divided over the Russian-held islands known in Japan as the Northern Territories, and the two countries have never signed a formal peace treaty ending World War II. Russia suspended peace treaty negotiations after Japan joined Western sanctions in 2022.
Moscow has repeatedly accused Japan of abandoning an independent foreign policy and following the United States. Japan, in turn, says Russia’s invasion and threats involving nuclear weapons have undermined the foundation of relations between the two countries.
The dispute over drone technology shows how Japan’s role has moved beyond emergency relief. Tokyo still does not supply Ukraine with the kind of lethal weapons provided by NATO members, but its financial resources, industrial technology, vehicles, surveillance equipment and reconstruction expertise have made it an increasingly important partner for Kyiv.
For Russia, the distinction between nonlethal assistance and technology that could eventually have a military application is becoming less meaningful. For Japan, however, maintaining that distinction remains essential as it attempts to support Ukraine without abandoning the legal constraints that have shaped its postwar defense policy.
